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Language in Society

GENERAL EDITOR

  1. Peter Trudgill, Chair of English Linguistics, University of Fribourg

ADVISORY EDITORS

  1. J. K. Chambers, Professor of Linguistics, University of Toronto
  2. Ralph Fasold, Professor of Linguistics, Georgetown University
  3. William Labov, Professor of Linguistics, University of Pennsylvania
  4. Lesley Milroy, Professor of Linguistics, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor

Launched in 1980, Language in Society is now established as probably the premiere series in the broad field of sociolinguistics, dialectology and variation studies. The series includes both textbooks and monographs by Ralph Fasold, Suzanne Romaine, Peter Trudgill, Lesley Milroy, Michael Stubbs, and other leading researchers.

  1. Language and Social Psychology, edited by Howard Giles and Robert N. St Clair
  2. Language and Social Networks (second edition), Lesley Milroy
  3. The Ethnography of Communication (third edition), Muriel Saville-Troike
  4. Discourse Analysis, Michael Stubbs
  5. The Sociolinguistics of Society: Introduction to Sociolinguistics, Volume I, Ralph Fasold
  6. The Sociolinguistics of Language: Introduction to Sociolinguistics, Volume II, Ralph Fasold
  7. The Language of Children and Adolescents: The Acquisition of Communicative Competence, Suzanne Romaine
  8. Language, the Sexes and Society, Philip M. Smith
  9. The Language of Advertising, Torben Vestergaard and Kim Schrøder
  10. Dialects in Contact, Peter Trudgill
  11. Pidgin and Creole Linguistics, Peter Mühlhäusler
  12. Observing and Analysing Natural Language: A Critical Account of Sociolinguistic Method, Lesley Milroy
  13. Bilingualism (second edition), Suzanne Romaine
  14. Sociolinguistics and Second Language Acquisition, Dennis R. Preston
  15. Pronouns and People: The Linguistic Construction of Social and Personal Identity, Peter Mühlhäusler and Rom Harré
  16. Politically Speaking, John Wilson
  17. The Language of the News Media, Allan Bell
  18. Language, Society and the Elderly: Discourse, Identity and Ageing, Nikolas Coupland, Justine Coupland, and Howard Giles
  19. Linguistic Variation and Change, James Milroy
  20. Principles of Linguistic Change, Volume I: Internal Factors, William Labov
  21. Intercultural Communication: A Discourse Approach (third edition), Ron Scollon, Suzanne Wong Scollon, and Rodney H. Jones
  22. Sociolinguistic Theory: Language Variation and Its Social Significance (second edition), J. K. Chambers
  23. Text and Corpus Analysis: Computer-assisted Studies of Language and Culture, Michael Stubbs
  24. Anthropological Linguistics, William Foley
  25. American English: Dialects and Variation (third edition), Walt Wolfram and Natalie Schilling
  26. African American Vernacular English: Features, Evolution, Educational Implications, John R. Rickford
  27. Linguistic Variation as Social Practice: The Linguistic Construction of Identity in Belten High, Penelope Eckert
  28. The English History of African American English, edited by Shana Poplack
  29. Principles of Linguistic Change, Volume II: Social Factors, William Labov
  30. African American English in the Diaspora, Shana Poplack and Sali Tagliamonte
  31. The Development of African American English, Walt Wolfram and Erik R. Thomas
  32. Forensic Linguistics: An Introduction to Language in the Justice System, John Gibbons
  33. An Introduction to Contact Linguistics, Donald Winford
  34. Sociolinguistics: Method and Interpretation, Lesley Milroy and Matthew Gordon
  35. Text, Context, Pretext: Critical Issues in Discourse Analysis, H. G. Widdowson
  36. Clinical Sociolinguistics, Martin J. Ball
  37. Conversation Analysis: An Introduction, Jack Sidnell
  38. Talk in Action: Interactions, Identities, and Institutions, John Heritage and Steven Clayman
  39. Principles of Linguistic Change, Volume III: Cognitive and Cultural Factors, William Labov
  40. Variationist Sociolinguistics: Change, Observation, Interpretation, Sali A. Tagliamonte
  41. Quotatives: New Trends and Sociolinguistic Implications, Isabelle Buchstaller
  42. The Sociophonetics of Perception, Valerie Fridland
  43. Practical Corpus Linguistics: An Introduction to Corpus-Based Language Analysis, Martin Weisser (forthcoming)
  44. Conversation Analysis - An Introduction (second edition), Jack Sidnell (forthcoming)

Sociolinguistic Styles

Juan M. Hernández‐Campoy

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Wiley Logo

To my parents,
Manuel Hernández-Carrillo
and
Juana Campoy-Gonzálvez,
with eternal gratitude
for having defined my personal style

List of Figures

Figure 1.1 Aristotle’s Rhetorical Triangle.
Figure 1.2 Jolliffe’s rhetorical framework diagram (adapted from Phelan 2008: 60).
Figure 1.3 The Saussurean communicative process according to Rigotti and Greco (2006: 663, Figure 3).
Figure 1.4 The linguistic sign as a two-sided psychological entity according to Saussure (1916/1983: 67).
Figure 1.5 Jakobson’s (1960) functions of language, based on Karl Bühler’s (1934) Organon model.
Figure 1.6 Hierarchy of influence in Jakobson’s (1960) functions of language.
Figure 1.7 Sociolinguistic interface relating stylistic (or intra-speaker) variation with linguistic variation and social (or inter-speaker) variation. Source: Hernández-Campoy and Cutillas-Espinosa (2012b: 2, Figure 1).
Figure 1.8 Linguistic variation in sociolinguistics. Source: Bell (1984: 146; Figure 1).
Figure 2.1 Coseriu’s (1970); Rona (1970) Sociolinguistic Axes Theory: A↔B (diastratic axis: society; and diaphasic axis: style), C↔D (diatopic axis: geographical space), and E↔F (diachronic axis: time).
Figure 2.2 Hierarchy of institutional lects in a diasystem. Source: Preston, in Jaworski et al. (2004: 90, Figure 3).
Figure 2.3 Origin and development of slang. Source: Anderson and Trudgill (1990: 82)
Figure 2.4 Percentages of usage of standard forms by style: Pastons. Source: Hernández-Campoy and Conde-Silvestre (1999: 262, Figure 3).
Figure 2.5 Process of diffusion of the Chancery standard forms in the Pastons. Source: Hernández-Campoy and Conde-Silvestre (1999: 264; Figure 6).
Figure 2.6 Diachronic progression of the process of standardization of Castilian Spanish by variable and informant (Group 1: male politicians). Percentages of usage of standard variants (Castilian Spanish forms), ranging from 100% standard to 0% non-standard. Source: Hernández-Campoy and Jiménez-Cano (2003: 335, Figure 3).
Figure 2.7 Diachronic progression of the process of standardization of Castilian Spanish by variable and informant (Group 2: male non-politicians). Percentages of usage of standard variants (Castilian Spanish forms), ranging from 100% standard to 0% non-standard. Source: Hernández-Campoy and Jiménez-Cano (2003: 334, Figure 4).
Figure 2.8 Sociolinguistic variation.
Figure 2.9 The social meaning of sociolinguistic behavior.
Figure 2.10 Map of the coast of Massachusetts and Martha’s Vineyard.
Figure 2.11 Percentage of use of standard forms by presenter and audience interlocutors in the four different variables under study (adapted from Cutillas-Espinosa and Hernández-Campoy 2007: 137, Figure 1).
Figure 2.12 Frequency of use of standard forms by radio presenter in broadcasting and in the interview (adapted from Cutillas-Espinosa and Hernández-Campoy 2007: 138, Figure 2).
Figure 3.1 Results for postvocalic /r/ in the New York department stores (Saks, Macy’s, and S. Klein; adapted from Labov 1966/2006: 56, Figure 3.6).
Figure 3.2 Social stratification of (ng) in Norwich. Percentages for the non-standard variant [n] found by Trudgill (1974), as represented by Labov (1966/2006: 260, Figure 10.8).
Figure 3.3 Use of postvocalic /r/ by UMC speakers in New York City (adapted from Labov 1966/2006: 218, 9.10).
Figure 3.4 Results for variable (ng) Norwich correlating with age. Source: Chambers and Trudgill (1980: 91, Figure 6.4).
Figure 3.5 Use of negative concord among African American speakers in Detroit correlating with class and gender in Wolfram (1969); adapted from Labov (2001a: 82, Figure 3.2).
Figure 3.6 The behavior of variable (æ) in the Belfasts areas of Ballymacarrett, The Hammer and Clonard (Milroy 1980), adapted from Chambers and Trudgill (1980: 78, Figure 5.1). FS = formal speech; CS = Casual speech).
Figure 3.7 Labov’s Decision Tree for stylistic analysis of spontaneous speech in the sociolinguistic interview. Source: Labov (2001b: 94, Figure 5.1).
Figure 3.8 Network of modules. Source: Labov (1984a: 35).
Figure 3.9 Theoretical frameworks of linguistic analysis (adapted from Figueroa 1994: 21).
Figure 3.10 Saussurean and Chomskyan paradigms with the Langue–Parole and Competence–Performance dichotomies. Source: adapted from Hernández-Campoy (1993: 19).
Figure 3.11 Results for postvocalic /r/ in the New York City correlating with social class and styles (CS: casual style; FS: formal style; RPS: reading passage style; WLS: word list style; and MPS: minimal pairs style; adapted from Labov 1966/2006: 141, Figure 7.1).
Figure 3.12 Results for variable (ng) Norwich correlating with social class and styles (CS: casual style; FS: formal style; RPS: reading passage style; and WLS: word list style; from Trudgill 1974: 92).
Figure 3.13 Usual pattern of indicators in graph representation, as in variable (ɑ:) in Norwich when being correlated with class and style by Trudgill (1974). Source: Chambers and Trudgill (1980: 83, Figure 6.2).
Figure 3.14 Hypercorrection observed by Labov in New York City. Source: Labov (1966/2006: 152; Figure 7.11).
Figure 4.1 Giles’ model of the interactive processes and factors involved in speakers’ adjustments during face-to-face conversation. Source: Giles (1979: 19, Figure 1.1).
Figure 4.2 Ocracoke in Outer Banks of North Carolina. Source: Wolfram, Hazen and Tamburro (1997: 9, Figure 1).
Figure 4.3 Centrifugal (from inside outwards) and centripetal (from outside inwards) motions.
Figure 4.4 Occupation profiles of audiences for YA and ZB radio stations; per-centage of station’s audience.
Figure 4.5 Scores (in percentages) of T-voicing in intervocalic contexts by four newsreaders on two New Zealand radio stations: YA and ZB. Source: Bell (1984: 171; Figure 9; 1982a: 162).
Figure 4.6 Sue’s convergence on (intervocalic t) voicing to five occupation classes of client; input level taken as Sue’s speech to “her own class”. Source: Coupland (1984: Figure 4; 2007: 73; Figure 3.2) and Bell (1984: 165, Figure 8).
Figure 4.7 Percentages of determiner deletion in seven British daily newspapers: The Times , Guardian , Daily Telegraph , Daily Mail , Daily Express , Daily Mirror, and Sun. Source: Bell (1991: 108, Figure 6.1).
Figure 4.8 The derivation of intra-speaker from inter-speaker variation by way of evaluation. Source: Bell (1984: 152, Figure 2).
Figure 4.9 The strength of the effect of audience members. Source: Meyerhoff 2006. reproduced with permission of Taylor & Francis Books UK.
Figure 4.10 Inter-speaker and intra-speaker ranges of variation. Source: Meyerhoff (2006: 45, Figure 3.6).
Figure 4.11 Preston’s funnel characterizing the strength of different factors influencing variation. Source: Preston (2001a: 280, Figure 16.1); also from Preston (1991).
Figure 4.12 Style as response and initiative: complementarity of audience design and referee design. Source: Bell (1984: 196, Figure 13).
Figure 5.1 The text in context of situation (G: grammar, P: phonology, M: phonetics, L: lexicology and C: collocation) (adapted from Oyelaran 1970: 439, Figure 1).
Figure 5.2 Jamaican post-creole continuum (adapted from Hernández-Campoy 1993: 111 and Trudgill and Hernández-Campoy 2007: 25).
Figure 5.3 Biber and Finegan’s (1994) model according to Preston (2001a: 283, Figure 16.2).
Figure 6.1 Quantitative patterns of relations between style and social variation. Source: Bell (1984: 153, Figure 3 and 2014: 296, Figure 11.1).
Figure 6.2 The indexical cycle according to Bell (2014: 269, Figure 10.2): processes of creating social meaning in language, where Phases 2–3 constitute the process of enregisterment (Agha 2003, 2006), with Phases 2a and 2b co-occurring.
Figure 6.3 Indexical field of variable (ing) (based on Campbell-Kibler 2007). Black = meanings for the velar variant, gray = meanings for the apical variant. Source: Eckert (2008: 466; Figure 3).
Figure 6.4 (r) and (t) in The Beatles and The Rolling Stones. Source: Trudgill (1983c: 152; Figure 8.2).
Figure 6.5 Dylan’s vowel space, showing mean vowel positions for all spoken and sung vowels. Monophthongs are represented by points and diphthongs by arrows, with labels next to the tip of the arrow. Source: Gibson and Bell (2012: 151, Figure 1).
Figure 6.6 Andrew’s vowel space, showing mean vowel positions for all spoken and sung vowels. Monophthongs are represented by points and diphthongs by arrows, with labels next to the tip of the arrow. Source: Gibson and Bell (2012: 153, Figure 2).
Figure 6.7 John’s vowel space, showing mean vowel positions for all spoken and sung vowels. Monophthongs are represented by points and diphthongs by arrows, with labels next to the tip of the arrow. Source: Gibson and Bell (2012: 155, Figure 3).
Figure 6.8 Verbatim transcript of a continuous sequence from Frank Hennessy’s radio show reading out a letter from a listener. Sociolinguistic variables are underlined, with the variable itself given above the line. Their values (standard/ non-standard: 0/1) are indicated below the line: (C): a consonant cluster (0/1); (t): the pronunciation of /t/ between vowels (0/1); (r): the pronunciation of /r/ before vowels (0/1); (ou): the pronunciation of the first part of the diphthong in so (0/1); (ng): the pronunciation of the -ing ending as either “-ing” or “-in” (0/1); (h): the presence or absence of /h/ at the beginning of a word (0/1); (ai) the pronunciation of the first part of the diphthong in I and -ise (0–3); and (a:) the pronunciation of the vowel in are and ar (0–4); A = Americanized realization and R = phonemically too reduced feature to be scored. Source: Coupland (1996: 325-326, Figure 1); also in Mesthrie, Swann, Deumert and Leap (2009: 177-178, Figure 5.1).
Figure 6.9 Inter-speaker variation: total usage levels for Standard Castilian variants by speaker group (based on data from Hernández-Campoy and Cutillas-Espinosa 2010: 303, Table 3).
Figure 6.10 Intra-speaker variation: President’s scores for Standard Castilian variants in different situations of formality (based on data from Hernández-Campoy and Cutillas-Espinosa 2010: 304, Table 4).
Figure 6.11 Dialect contact situations: President’s scores for Standard Castilian variants in Murcia and Madrid (based on data from Hernández-Campoy and Cutillas-Espinosa 2010: 306, Table 6).
Figure 6.12 President’s scores for Standard Castilian variants in her public appearances (Murcia and Madrid) and in a private interview (based on data from Hernández-Campoy and Cutillas-Espinosa 2013: 87–88, Table 1 and Table 2).
Figure 7.1 Representation of the shift from deterministic and system-oriented to social constructionist and speaker-oriented approaches to stylistic variation for linguistic performance, rhetorical stance, and identity projection (adapted from Hernández-Campoy and Cutillas-Espinosa 2012b: 7, Figure 3).